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<H1 align=3Dcenter><FONT size=3D6 face=3DArial><B><FONT size=3D5>The =
Tragedy of the=20
Commons</FONT><BR></B></FONT><FONT size=3D2 face=3DArial><B>Garrett =
Hardin=20
(1968)</B></FONT></H1>
<P>"The Tragedy of the Commons," Garrett Hardin, Science,=20
162(1968):1243-1248.</P>
<P>At the end of a thoughtful article on the future of nuclear war, J.B. =
Wiesner=20
and H.F. York concluded that: "Both sides in the arms race =
are=85confronted by the=20
dilemma of steadily increasing military power and steadily decreasing =
national=20
security.<I> It is our considered professional judgment that this =
dilemma has no=20
technical solution.</I> If the great powers continue to look for =
solutions in=20
the area of science and technology only, the result will be to worsen =
the=20
situation.'' <A href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b1">[1]</A></P>
<P>I would like to focus your attention not on the subject of the =
article=20
(national security in a nuclear world) but on the kind of conclusion =
they=20
reached, namely that there is no technical solution to the problem. An =
implicit=20
and almost universal assumption of discussions published in professional =
and=20
semipopular scientific journals is that the problem under discussion has =
a=20
technical solution. A technical solution may be defined as one that =
requires a=20
change only in the techniques of the natural sciences, demanding little =
or=20
nothing in the way of change in human values or ideas of morality. </P>
<P>In our day (though not in earlier times) technical solutions are =
always=20
welcome. Because of previous failures in prophecy, it takes courage to =
assert=20
that a desired technical solution is not possible. Wiesner and York =
exhibited=20
this courage; publishing in a science journal, they insisted that the =
solution=20
to the problem was not to be found in the natural sciences. They =
cautiously=20
qualified their statement with the phrase, "It is our considered =
professional=20
judgment...." Whether they were right or not is not the concern of the =
present=20
article. Rather, the concern here is with the important concept of a =
class of=20
human problems which can be called "no technical solution problems," and =
more=20
specifically, with the identification and discussion of one of these. =
</P>
<P>It is easy to show that the class is not a null class. Recall the =
game of=20
tick-tack-toe. Consider the problem, "How can I win the game of =
tick-tack-toe?"=20
It is well known that I cannot, if I assume (in keeping with the =
conventions of=20
game theory) that my opponent understands the game perfectly. Put =
another way,=20
there is no "technical solution" to the problem. I can win only by =
giving a=20
radical meaning to the word "win." I can hit my opponent over the head; =
or I can=20
falsify the records. Every way in which I "win" involves, in some sense, =
an=20
abandonment of the game, as we intuitively understand it. (I can also, =
of=20
course, openly abandon the game -- refuse to play it. This is what most =
adults=20
do.) </P>
<P>The class of "no technical solution problems" has members. My thesis =
is that=20
the "population problem," as conventionally conceived, is a member of =
this=20
class. How it is conventionally conceived needs some comment. It is fair =
to say=20
that most people who anguish over the population problem are trying to =
find a=20
way to avoid the evils of overpopulation without relinquishing any of =
the=20
privileges they now enjoy. They think that farming the seas or =
developing new=20
strains of wheat will solve the problem -- technologically. I try to =
show here=20
that the solution they seek cannot be found. The population problem =
cannot be=20
solved in a technical way, any more than can the problem of winning the =
game of=20
tick-tack-toe. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>What Shall We Maximize?</B></FONT> </P>
<P>Population, as Malthus said, naturally tends to grow "geometrically," =
or, as=20
we would now say, exponentially. In a finite world this means that the=20
per-capita share of the world's goods must decrease. Is ours a finite =
world?=20
</P>
<P>A fair defense can be put forward for the view that the world is =
infinite or=20
that we do not know that it is not. But, in terms of the practical =
problems that=20
we must face in the next few generations with the foreseeable =
technology, it is=20
clear that we will greatly increase human misery if we do not, during =
the=20
immediate future, assume that the world available to the terrestrial =
human=20
population is finite. "Space" is no escape. <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b2">[2]</A></P>
<P>A finite world can support only a finite population; therefore, =
population=20
growth must eventually equal zero. (The case of perpetual wide =
fluctuations=20
above and below zero is a trivial variant that need not be discussed.) =
When this=20
condition is met, what will be the situation of mankind? Specifically, =
can=20
Bentham's goal of "the greatest good for the greatest number" be =
realized? </P>
<P>No -- for two reasons, each sufficient by itself. The first is a =
theoretical=20
one. It is not mathematically possible to maximize for two (or more) =
variables=20
at the same time. This was clearly stated by von Neumann and =
Morgenstern, <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b3">[3]</A> but the principle =
is implicit=20
in the theory of partial differential equations, dating back at least to =

D'Alembert (1717-1783).</P>
<P>The second reason springs directly from biological facts. To live, =
any=20
organism must have a source of energy (for example, food). This energy =
is=20
utilized for two purposes: mere maintenance and work. For man =
maintenance of=20
life requires about 1600 kilocalories a day ("maintenance calories"). =
Anything=20
that he does over and above merely staying alive will be defined as =
work, and is=20
supported by "work calories" which he takes in. Work calories are used =
not only=20
for what we call work in common speech; they are also required for all =
forms of=20
enjoyment, from swimming and automobile racing to playing music and =
writing=20
poetry. If our goal is to maximize population it is obvious what we must =
do: We=20
must make the work calories per person approach as close to zero as =
possible. No=20
gourmet meals, no vacations, no sports, no music, no literature, no =
art=85I think=20
that everyone will grant, without argument or proof, that maximizing =
population=20
does not maximize goods. Bentham's goal is impossible. </P>
<P>In reaching this conclusion I have made the usual assumption that it =
is the=20
acquisition of energy that is the problem. The appearance of atomic =
energy has=20
led some to question this assumption. However, given an infinite source =
of=20
energy, population growth still produces an inescapable problem. The =
problem of=20
the acquisition of energy is replaced by the problem of its dissipation, =
as J.=20
H. Fremlin has so wittily shown. <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b4">[4]</A> The arithmetic =
signs in the=20
analysis are, as it were, reversed; but Bentham's goal is unobtainable. =
</P>
<P>The optimum population is, then, less than the maximum. The =
difficulty of=20
defining the optimum is enormous; so far as I know, no one has seriously =
tackled=20
this problem. Reaching an acceptable and stable solution will surely =
require=20
more than one generation of hard analytical work -- and much persuasion. =
</P>
<P>We want the maximum good per person; but what is good? To one person =
it is=20
wilderness, to another it is ski lodges for thousands. To one it is =
estuaries to=20
nourish ducks for hunters to shoot; to another it is factory land. =
Comparing one=20
good with another is, we usually say, impossible because goods are=20
incommensurable. Incommensurables cannot be compared. </P>
<P>Theoretically this may be true; but in real life incommensurables =
<I>are</I>=20
commensurable. Only a criterion of judgment and a system of weighting =
are=20
needed. In nature the criterion is survival. Is it better for a species =
to be=20
small and hideable, or large and powerful? Natural selection =
commensurates the=20
incommensurables. The compromise achieved depends on a natural weighting =
of the=20
values of the variables. </P>
<P>Man must imitate this process. There is no doubt that in fact he =
already=20
does, but unconsciously. It is when the hidden decisions are made =
explicit that=20
the arguments begin. The problem for the years ahead is to work out an=20
acceptable theory of weighting. Synergistic effects, nonlinear =
variation, and=20
difficulties in discounting the future make the intellectual problem =
difficult,=20
but not (in principle) insoluble. </P>
<P>Has any cultural group solved this practical problem at the present =
time,=20
even on an intuitive level? One simple fact proves that none has: there =
is no=20
prosperous population in the world today that has, and has had for some =
time, a=20
growth rate of zero. Any people that has intuitively identified its =
optimum=20
point will soon reach it, after which its growth rate becomes and =
remains zero.=20
</P>
<P>Of course, a positive growth rate might be taken as evidence that a=20
population is below its optimum. However, by any reasonable standards, =
the most=20
rapidly growing populations on earth today are (in general) the most =
miserable.=20
This association (which need not be invariable) casts doubt on the =
optimistic=20
assumption that the positive growth rate of a population is evidence =
that it has=20
yet to reach its optimum. </P>
<P>We can make little progress in working toward optimum population size =
until=20
we explicitly exorcise the spirit of Adam Smith in the field of =
practical=20
demography. In economic affairs, <I>The Wealth of Nations</I> (1776) =
popularized=20
the "invisible hand," the idea that an individual who "intends only his =
own=20
gain," is, as it were, "led by an invisible hand to promote=85the public =

interest." <A href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b5">[5]</A> Adam =
Smith did=20
not assert that this was invariably true, and perhaps neither did any of =
his=20
followers. But he contributed to a dominant tendency of thought that has =
ever=20
since interfered with positive action based on rational analysis, =
namely, the=20
tendency to assume that decisions reached individually will, in fact, be =
the=20
best decisions for an entire society. If this assumption is correct it =
justifies=20
the continuance of our present policy of <I>laissez faire</I> in =
reproduction.=20
If it is correct we can assume that men will control their individual =
fecundity=20
so as to produce the optimum population. If the assumption is not =
correct, we=20
need to reexamine our individual freedoms to see which ones are =
defensible. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>Tragedy of Freedom in a Commons</B></FONT> </P>
<P>The rebuttal to the invisible hand in population control is to be =
found in a=20
scenario first sketched in a little-known Pamphlet in 1833 by a =
mathematical=20
amateur named William Forster Lloyd (1794-1852). <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b6">[6]</A> We may well call it =
"the=20
tragedy of the commons," using the word "tragedy" as the philosopher =
Whitehead=20
used it <A href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b7">[7]</A>: "The =
essence of=20
dramatic tragedy is not unhappiness. It resides in the solemnity of the=20
remorseless working of things." He then goes on to say, "This =
inevitableness of=20
destiny can only be illustrated in terms of human life by incidents =
which in=20
fact involve unhappiness. For it is only by them that the futility of =
escape can=20
be made evident in the drama." </P>
<P>The tragedy of the commons develops in this way. Picture a pasture =
open to=20
all. It is to be expected that each herdsman will try to keep as many =
cattle as=20
possible on the commons. Such an arrangement may work reasonably =
satisfactorily=20
for centuries because tribal wars, poaching, and disease keep the =
numbers of=20
both man and beast well below the carrying capacity of the land. =
Finally,=20
however, comes the day of reckoning, that is, the day when the =
long-desired goal=20
of social stability becomes a reality. At this point, the inherent logic =
of the=20
commons remorselessly generates tragedy. </P>
<P>As a rational being, each herdsman seeks to maximize his gain. =
Explicitly or=20
implicitly, more or less consciously, he asks, "What is the utility =
<I>to me</I>=20
of adding one more animal to my herd?" This utility has one negative and =
one=20
positive component. </P>
<P>1. The positive component is a function of the increment of one =
animal. Since=20
the herdsman receives all the proceeds from the sale of the additional =
animal,=20
the positive utility is nearly + 1. </P>
<P>2. The negative component is a function of the additional overgrazing =
created=20
by one more animal. Since, however, the effects of overgrazing are =
shared by all=20
the herdsmen, the negative utility for any particular =
decision&shy;making=20
herdsman is only a fraction of - 1. </P>
<P>Adding together the component partial utilities, the rational =
herdsman=20
concludes that the only sensible course for him to pursue is to add =
another=20
animal to his herd. And another.... But this is the conclusion reached =
by each=20
and every rational herdsman sharing a commons. Therein is the tragedy. =
Each man=20
is locked into a system that compels him to increase his herd without =
limit --=20
in a world that is limited. Ruin is the destination toward which all men =
rush,=20
each pursuing his own best interest in a society that believes in the =
freedom of=20
the commons. Freedom in a commons brings ruin to all. </P>
<P>Some would say that this is a platitude. Would that it were! In a =
sense, it=20
was learned thousands of years ago, but natural selection favors the =
forces of=20
psychological denial. <A =
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b8">[8]</A> The=20
individual benefits as an individual from his ability to deny the truth =
even=20
though society as a whole, of which he is a part, suffers. Education can =

counteract the natural tendency to do the wrong thing, but the =
inexorable=20
succession of generations requires that the basis for this knowledge be=20
constantly refreshed. </P>
<P>A simple incident that occurred a few years ago in Leominster, =
Massachusetts=20
shows how perishable the knowledge is. During the Christmas shopping =
season the=20
parking meters downtown were covered with plastic bags that bore tags =
reading:=20
"Do not open until after Christmas. Free parking courtesy of the mayor =
and city=20
council." In other words, facing the prospect of an increased demand for =
already=20
scarce space, the city fathers reinstituted the system of the commons.=20
(Cynically, we suspect that they gained more votes than they lost by =
this=20
retrogressive act.) </P>
<P>In an approximate way, the logic of the commons has been understood =
for a=20
long time, perhaps since the discovery of agriculture or the invention =
of=20
private property in real estate. But it is understood mostly only in =
special=20
cases which are not sufficiently generalized. Even at this late date, =
cattlemen=20
leasing national land on the Western ranges demonstrate no more than an=20
ambivalent understanding, in constantly pressuring federal authorities =
to=20
increase the head count to the point where overgrazing produces erosion =
and=20
weed-dominance. Likewise, the oceans of the world continue to suffer =
from the=20
survival of the philosophy of the commons. Maritime nations still =
respond=20
automatically to the shibboleth of the "freedom of the seas." Professing =
to=20
believe in the "inexhaustible resources of the oceans," they bring =
species after=20
species of fish and whales closer to extinction. <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b9">[9]</A> </P>
<P>The National Parks present another instance of the working out of the =
tragedy=20
of the commons. At present, they are open to all, without limit. The =
parks=20
themselves are limited in extent -- there is only one Yosemite Valley -- =
whereas=20
population seems to grow without limit. The values that visitors seek in =
the=20
parks are steadily eroded. Plainly, we must soon cease to treat the =
parks as=20
commons or they will be of no value to anyone. </P>
<P>What shall we do? We have several options. We might sell them off as =
private=20
property. We might keep them as public property, but allocate the right =
to enter=20
them. The allocation might be on the basis of wealth, by the use of an =
auction=20
system. It might be on the basis of merit, as defined by some =
agreed&shy;upon=20
standards. It might be by lottery. Or it might be on a first-come, =
first-served=20
basis, administered to long queues. These, I think, are all =
objectionable. But=20
we must choose -- or acquiesce in the destruction of the commons that we =
call=20
our National Parks. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>Pollution</B></FONT> </P>
<P>In a reverse way, the tragedy of the commons reappears in problems of =

pollution. Here it is not a question of taking something out of the =
commons, but=20
of putting something in -- sewage, or chemical, radioactive, and heat =
wastes=20
into water; noxious and dangerous fumes into the air; and distracting =
and=20
unpleasant advertising signs into the line of sight. The calculations of =
utility=20
are much the same as before. The rational man finds that his share of =
the cost=20
of the wastes he discharges into the commons is less than the cost of =
purifying=20
his wastes before releasing them. Since this is true for everyone, we =
are locked=20
into a system of "fouling our own nest," so long as we behave only as=20
independent, rational, free enterprisers. </P>
<P>The tragedy of the commons as a food basket is averted by private =
property,=20
or something formally like it. But the air and waters surrounding us =
cannot=20
readily be fenced, and so the tragedy of the commons as a cesspool must =
be=20
prevented by different means, by coercive laws or taxing devices that =
make it=20
cheaper for the polluter to treat his pollutants than to discharge them=20
untreated. We have not progressed as far with the solution of this =
problem as we=20
have with the first. Indeed, our particular concept of private property, =
which=20
deters us from exhausting the positive resources of the earth, favors =
pollution.=20
The owner of a factory on the bank of a stream -- whose property extends =
to the=20
middle of the stream -- often has difficulty seeing why it is not his =
natural=20
right to muddy the waters flowing past his door. The law, always behind =
the=20
times, requires elaborate stitching and fitting to adapt it to this =
newly=20
perceived aspect of the commons. </P>
<P>The pollution problem is a consequence of population. It did not much =
matter=20
how a lonely American frontiersman disposed of his waste. "Flowing water =

purifies itself every ten miles," my grandfather used to say, and the =
myth was=20
near enough to the truth when he was a boy, for there were not too many =
people.=20
But as population became denser, the natural chemical and biological =
recycling=20
processes became overloaded, calling for a redefinition of property =
rights. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>How to Legislate Temperance?</B></FONT> </P>
<P>Analysis of the pollution problem as a function of population density =

uncovers a not generally recognized principle of morality, namely: =
<I>the=20
morality of an act is a function of the state of the system at the time =
it is=20
performed.</I> <A href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b10">[10]</A> =
Using the=20
commons as a cesspool does not harm the general public under frontier=20
conditions, because there is no public; the same behavior in a =
metropolis is=20
unbearable. A hundred and fifty years ago a plainsman could kill an =
American=20
bison, cut out only the tongue for his dinner, and discard the rest of =
the=20
animal. He was not in any important sense being wasteful. Today, with =
only a few=20
thousand bison left, we would be appalled at such behavior. </P>
<P>In passing, it is worth noting that the morality of an act cannot be=20
determined from a photograph. One does not know whether a man killing an =

elephant or setting fire to the grassland is harming others until one =
knows the=20
total system in which his act appears. "One picture is worth a thousand =
words,"=20
said an ancient Chinese; but it may take ten thousand words to validate =
it. It=20
is as tempting to ecologists as it is to reformers in general to try to =
persuade=20
others by way of the photographic shortcut. But the essence of an =
argument=20
cannot be photographed: it must be presented rationally -- in words. =
</P>
<P>That morality is system-sensitive escaped the attention of most =
codifiers of=20
ethics in the past. "Thou shalt not=85" is the form of traditional =
ethical=20
directives which make no allowance for particular circumstances. The =
laws of our=20
society follow the pattern of ancient ethics, and therefore are poorly =
suited to=20
governing a complex, crowded, changeable world. Our epicyclic solution =
is to=20
augment statutory law with administrative law. Since it is practically=20
impossible to spell out all the conditions under which it is safe to =
burn trash=20
in the back yard or to run an automobile without smog&shy;control, by =
law we=20
delegate the details to bureaus. The result is administrative law, which =
is=20
rightly feared for an ancient reason -- <I>Quis custodies ipsos =
custodes?</I>=20
--Who shall watch the watchers themselves? John Adams said that we must =
have a=20
"government of laws and not men." Bureau administrators, trying to =
evaluate the=20
morality of acts in the total system, are singularly liable to =
corruption,=20
producing a government by men, not laws. </P>
<P>Prohibition is easy to legislate (though not necessarily to enforce); =
but how=20
do we legislate temperance? Experience indicates that it can be =
accomplished=20
best through the mediation of administrative law. We limit possibilities =

unnecessarily if we suppose that the sentiment of <I>Quis custodiet</I> =
denies=20
us the use of administrative law. We should rather retain the phrase as =
a=20
perpetual reminder of fearful dangers we cannot avoid. The great =
challenge=20
facing us now is to invent the corrective feedbacks that are needed to =
keep=20
custodians honest. We must find ways to legitimate the needed authority =
of both=20
the custodians and the corrective feedbacks. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>Freedom to Breed Is Intolerable</B></FONT> </P>
<P>The tragedy of the commons is involved in population problems in =
another way.=20
In a world governed solely by the principle of "dog eat dog" --if indeed =
there=20
ever was such a world--how many children a family had would not be a =
matter of=20
public concern. Parents who bred too exuberantly would leave fewer =
descendants,=20
not more, because they would be unable to care adequately for their =
children.=20
David Lack and others have found that such a negative feedback =
demonstrably=20
controls the fecundity of birds. <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b11">[11]</A> But men are not =
birds, and=20
have not acted like them for millenniums, at least. </P>
<P><I>If</I> each human family were dependent only on its own resources; =

<I>if</I> the children of improvident parents starved to death; =
<I>if</I> thus,=20
over breeding brought its own "punishment" to the germ line -- =
<I>then</I> there=20
would be no public interest in controlling the breeding of families. But =
our=20
society is deeply committed to the welfare state, <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b12">[12]</A> and hence is =
confronted=20
with another aspect of the tragedy of the commons. </P>
<P>In a welfare state, how shall we deal with the family, the religion, =
the=20
race, or the class (or indeed any distinguishable and cohesive group) =
that=20
adopts over breeding as a policy to secure its own aggrandizement? <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b13">[13]</A> To couple the =
concept of=20
freedom to breed with the belief that everyone born has an equal right =
to the=20
commons is to lock the world into a tragic course of action. </P>
<P>Unfortunately this is just the course of action that is being pursued =
by the=20
United Nations. In late 1967, some thirty nations agreed to the =
following: "The=20
Universal Declaration of Human Rights describes the family as the =
natural and=20
fundamental unit of society. It follows that any choice and decision =
with regard=20
to the size of the family must irrevocably rest with the family itself, =
and=20
cannot be made by anyone else.'' <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b14">[14]</A> </P>
<P>It is painful to have to deny categorically the validity of this =
right;=20
denying it, one feels as uncomfortable as a resident of Salem, =
Massachusetts,=20
who denied the reality of witches in the seventeenth century. At the =
present=20
time, in liberal quarters, something like a taboo acts to inhibit =
criticism of=20
the United Nations. There is a feeling that the United Nations is "our =
last and=20
best hope," that we shouldn't find fault with it; we shouldn't play into =
the=20
hands of the archconservatives. However, let us not forget what Robert =
Louis=20
Stevenson said: "The truth that is suppressed by friends is the readiest =
weapon=20
of the enemy." If we love the truth we must openly deny the validity of =
the=20
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, even though it is promoted by the =
United=20
Nations. We should also join with Kingsley Davis <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b15">[15]</A> in attempting to =
get=20
Planned Parenthood-World Population to see the error of its ways in =
embracing=20
the same tragic ideal. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>Conscience Is Self-Eliminating</B></FONT> </P>
<P>It is a mistake to think that we can control the breeding of mankind =
in the=20
long run by an appeal to conscience. Charles Galton Darwin made this =
point when=20
he spoke on the centennial of the publication of his grandfather's great =
book.=20
The argument is straightforward and Darwinian. </P>
<P>People vary. Confronted with appeals to limit breeding, some people =
will=20
undoubtedly respond to the plea more than others. Those who have more =
children=20
will produce a larger fraction of the next generation than those with =
more=20
susceptible consciences. The differences will be accentuated, generation =
by=20
generation. </P>
<P>In C. G. Darwin's words: "It may well be that it would take hundreds =
of=20
generations for the progenitive instinct to develop in this way, but if =
it=20
should do so, nature would have taken her revenge, and the variety =
<I>Homo=20
contracipiens</I> would become extinct and would be replaced by the =
variety=20
<I>Homo progenitivus.</I> <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b16">[16]</A> </P>
<P>The argument assumes that conscience or the desire for children (no =
matter=20
which) is hereditary-but hereditary only in the most general formal =
sense. The=20
result will be the same whether the attitude is transmitted through germ =
cells,=20
or exosomatically, to use A. J. Lotka's term. (If one denies the latter=20
possibility as well as the former, then what's the point of education?) =
The=20
argument has here been stated in the context of the population problem, =
but it=20
applies equally well to any instance in which society appeals to an =
individual=20
exploiting a commons to restrain himself for the general good -- by =
means of his=20
conscience. To make such an appeal is to set up a selective system that =
works=20
toward the elimination of conscience from the race. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>Pathogenic Effects of Conscience</B></FONT> </P>
<P>The long-term disadvantage of an appeal to conscience should be =
enough to=20
condemn it; but it has serious short-term disadvantages as well. If we =
ask a man=20
who is exploiting a commons to desist "in the name of conscience," what =
are we=20
saying to him? What does he hear? -- not only at the moment but also in =
the wee=20
small hours of the night when, half asleep, he remembers not merely the =
words we=20
used but also the nonverbal communication cues we gave him unawares? =
Sooner or=20
later, consciously or subconsciously, he senses that he has received two =

communications, and that they are contradictory: 1. (intended =
communication) "If=20
you don't do as we ask, we will openly condemn you for not acting like a =

responsible citizen"; 2. (the unintended communication) "If you =
<I>do</I> behave=20
as we ask, we will secretly condemn you for a simpleton who can be =
shamed into=20
standing aside while the rest of us exploit the commons." </P>
<P>Every man then is caught in what Bateson has called a "double bind." =
Bateson=20
and his co-workers have made a plausible case for viewing the double =
bind as an=20
important causative factor in the genesis of schizophrenia. <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b17">[17]</A> The double bind =
may not=20
always be so damaging, but it always endangers the mental health of =
anyone to=20
whom it is applied. "A bad conscience," said Nietzsche, "is a kind of =
illness."=20
</P>
<P>To conjure up a conscience in others is tempting to anyone who wishes =
to=20
extend his control beyond the legal limits. Leaders at the highest level =
succumb=20
to this temptation. Has any president during the past generation failed =
to call=20
on labor unions to moderate voluntarily their demands for higher wages, =
or to=20
steel companies to honor voluntary guidelines on prices? I can recall =
none. The=20
rhetoric used on such occasions is designed to produce feelings of guilt =
in=20
noncooperators. </P>
<P>For centuries it was assumed without proof that guilt was a valuable, =
perhaps=20
even an indispensable, ingredient of the civilized life. Now, in this=20
post-Freudian world, we doubt it. </P>
<P>Paul Goodman speaks from the modern point of view when he says: "No =
good has=20
ever come from feeling guilty, neither intelligence, policy, nor =
compassion. The=20
guilty do not pay attention to the object but only to themselves, and =
not even=20
to their own interests, which might make sense, but to their =
anxieties.'' <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b18">[18]</A> </P>
<P>One does not have to be a professional psychiatrist to see the =
consequences=20
of anxiety. We in the Western world are just emerging from a dreadful =
two=20
centuries-long Dark Ages of Eros that was sustained partly by =
prohibition laws,=20
but perhaps more effectively by the anxiety-generating mechanisms of =
education.=20
Alex Comfort has told the story well in <I>The Anxiety Makers;</I> <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b19">[19]</A> it is not a =
pretty one.=20
</P>
<P>Since proof is difficult, we may even concede that the results of =
anxiety may=20
sometimes, from certain points of view, be desirable. The larger =
question we=20
should ask is whether, as a matter of policy, we should ever encourage =
the use=20
of a technique the tendency (if not the intention) of which is =
psychologically=20
pathogenic. We hear much talk these days of responsible parenthood; the =
coupled=20
words are incorporated into the titles of some organizations devoted to =
birth=20
control. Some people have proposed massive propaganda campaigns to =
instill=20
responsibility into the nation's (or the world's) breeders. But what is =
the=20
meaning of the word conscience? When we use the word responsibility in =
the=20
absence of substantial sanctions are we not trying to browbeat a free =
man in a=20
commons into acting against his own interest? Responsibility is a verbal =

counterfeit for a substantial quid pro quo. It is an attempt to get =
something=20
for nothing. </P>
<P>If the word responsibility is to be used at all, I suggest that it be =
in the=20
sense Charles Frankel uses it. <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b20">[20]</A> "Responsibility," =
says this=20
philosopher, "is the product of definite social arrangements." Notice =
that=20
Frankel calls for social arrangements -- not propaganda. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>Mutual Coercion Mutually Agreed Upon</B></FONT> =
</P>
<P>The social arrangements that produce responsibility are arrangements =
that=20
create coercion, of some sort. Consider bank robbing. The man who takes =
money=20
from a bank acts as if the bank were a commons. How do we prevent such =
action?=20
Certainly not by trying to control his behavior solely by a verbal =
appeal to his=20
sense of responsibility. Rather than rely on propaganda we follow =
Frankel's lead=20
and insist that a bank is not a commons; we seek the definite social=20
arrangements that will keep it from becoming a commons. That we thereby =
infringe=20
on the freedom of would-be robbers we neither deny nor regret. </P>
<P>The morality of bank robbing is particularly easy to understand =
because we=20
accept complete prohibition of this activity. We are willing to say =
"Thou shalt=20
not rob banks," without providing for exceptions. But temperance also =
can be=20
created by coercion. Taxing is a good coercive device. To keep downtown =
shoppers=20
temperate in their use of parking space we introduce parking meters for =
short=20
periods, and traffic fines for longer ones. We need not actually forbid =
a=20
citizen to park as long as he wants to; we need merely make it =
increasingly=20
expensive for him to do so. Not prohibition, but carefully biased =
options are=20
what we offer him. A Madison Avenue man might call this persuasion; I =
prefer the=20
greater candor of the word coercion. </P>
<P>Coercion is a dirty word to most liberals now, but it need not =
forever be so.=20
As with the four-letter words, its dirtiness can be cleansed away by =
exposure to=20
the light, by saying it over and over without apology or embarrassment. =
To many,=20
the word coercion implies arbitrary decisions of distant and =
irresponsible=20
bureaucrats; but this is not a necessary part of its meaning. The only =
kind of=20
coercion I recommend is mutual coercion, mutually agreed upon by the =
majority of=20
the people affected. </P>
<P>To say that we mutually agree to coercion is not to say that we are =
required=20
to enjoy it, or even to pretend we enjoy it. Who enjoys taxes? We all =
grumble=20
about them. But we accept compulsory taxes because we recognize that =
voluntary=20
taxes would favor the conscienceless. We institute and (grumblingly) =
support=20
taxes and other coercive devices to escape the horror of the commons. =
</P>
<P>An alternative to the commons need not be perfectly just to be =
preferable.=20
With real estate and other material goods, the alternative we have =
chosen is the=20
institution of private property coupled with legal inheritance. Is this =
system=20
perfectly just? As a genetically trained biologist I deny that it is. It =
seems=20
to me that, if there are to be differences in individual inheritance, =
legal=20
possession should be perfectly correlated with biological =
inheritance-that those=20
who are biologically more fit to be the custodians of property and power =
should=20
legally inherit more. But genetic recombination continually makes a =
mockery of=20
the doctrine of "like father, like son" implicit in our laws of legal=20
inheritance. An idiot can inherit millions, and a trust fund can keep =
his estate=20
intact. We must admit that our legal system of private property plus =
inheritance=20
is unjust -- but we put up with it because we are not convinced, at the =
moment,=20
that anyone has invented a better system. The alternative of the commons =
is too=20
horrifying to contemplate. Injustice is preferable to total ruin. </P>
<P>It is one of the peculiarities of the warfare between reform and the =
status=20
quo that it is thoughtlessly governed by a double standard. Whenever a =
reform=20
measure is proposed it is often defeated when its opponents triumphantly =

discover a flaw in it. As Kingsley Davis has pointed out, <A=20
href=3D"http://www.dieoff.org/page95.htm#b21">[21]</A> worshipers of the =
status=20
quo sometimes imply that no reform is possible without unanimous =
agreement, an=20
implication contrary to historical fact. As nearly as I can make out, =
automatic=20
rejection of proposed reforms is based on one of two unconscious =
assumptions:=20
(1) that the status quo is perfect; or (2) that the choice we face is =
between=20
reform and no action; if the proposed reform is imperfect, we presumably =
should=20
take no action at all, while we wait for a perfect proposal. </P>
<P>But we can never do nothing. That which we have done for thousands of =
years=20
is also action. It also produces evils. Once we are aware that the =
status quo is=20
action, we can then compare its discoverable advantages and =
disadvantages with=20
the predicted advantages and disadvantages of the proposed reform, =
discounting=20
as best we can for our lack of experience. On the basis of such a =
comparison, we=20
can make a rational decision which will not involve the unworkable =
assumption=20
that only perfect systems are tolerable. </P>
<P><FONT size=3D5><B>Recognition of Necessity</B></FONT> </P>
<P>Perhaps the simplest summary of this analysis of man's population =
problems is=20
this: the commons, if justifiable at all, is justifiable only under =
conditions=20
of low-population density. As the human population has increased, the =
commons=20
has had to be abandoned in one aspect after another. </P>
<P>First we abandoned the commons in food gathering, enclosing farm land =
and=20
restricting pastures and hunting and fishing areas. These restrictions =
are still=20
not complete throughout the world. </P>
<P>Somewhat later we saw that the commons as a place for waste disposal =
would=20
also have to be abandoned. Restrictions on the disposal of domestic =
sewage are=20
widely accepted in the Western world; we are still struggling to close =
the=20
commons to pollution by automobiles, factories, insecticide sprayers,=20
fertilizing operations, and atomic energy installations. </P>
<P>In a still more embryonic state is our recognition of the evils of =
the=20
commons in matters of pleasure. There is almost no restriction on the=20
propagation of sound waves in the public medium. The shopping public is=20
assaulted with mindless music, without its consent. Our government has =
paid out=20
billions of dollars to create a supersonic transport which would disturb =
50,000=20
people for every one person whisked from coast to coast 3 hours faster.=20
Advertisers muddy the airwaves of radio and television and pollute the =
view of=20
travelers. We are a long way from outlawing the commons in matters of =
pleasure.=20
Is this because our Puritan inheritance makes us view pleasure as =
something of a=20
sin, and pain (that is, the pollution of advertising) as the sign of =
virtue?=20
</P>
<P>Every new enclosure of the commons involves the infringement of =
somebody's=20
personal liberty. Infringements made in the distant past are accepted =
because no=20
contemporary complains of a loss. It is the newly proposed infringements =
that we=20
vigorously oppose; cries of "rights" and "freedom" fill the air. But =
what does=20
"freedom" mean? When men mutually agreed to pass laws against robbing, =
mankind=20
became more free, not less so. Individuals locked into the logic of the =
commons=20
are free only to bring on universal ruin; once they see the necessity of =
mutual=20
coercion, they become free to pursue other goals. I believe it was Hegel =
who=20
said, "Freedom is the recognition of necessity." </P>
<P>The most important aspect of necessity that we must now recognize, is =
the=20
necessity of abandoning the commons in breeding. No technical solution =
can=20
rescue us from the misery of overpopulation. Freedom to breed will bring =
ruin to=20
all. At the moment, to avoid hard decisions many of us are tempted to=20
propagandize for conscience and responsible parenthood. The temptation =
must be=20
resisted, because an appeal to independently acting consciences selects =
for the=20
disappearance of all conscience in the long run, and an increase in =
anxiety in=20
the short. </P>
<P>The only way we can preserve and nurture other and more precious =
freedoms is=20
by relinquishing the freedom to breed, and that very soon. "Freedom is =
the=20
recognition of necessity" -- and it is the role of education to reveal =
to all=20
the necessity of abandoning the freedom to breed. Only so, can we put an =
end to=20
this aspect of the tragedy of the commons. </P>
<P>Notes </P>
<P><A name=3Db1></A>1. J. B. Wiesner and H. F. York, <I>Scientific =
American</I>=20
211 (No. 4), 27 (1964). </P>
<P><A name=3Db2></A>2. G. Hardin, <I>Journal of Heredity</I> 50, 68 =
(1959), S. von=20
Hoernor, Science 137, 18, (1962). </P>
<P><A name=3Db3></A>3. J. von Neumann and O. Morgenstern, <I>Theory of =
Games and=20
Economic Behavior</I> (Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J., =
1947), p.=20
11. </P>
<P><A name=3Db4></A>4. J. H. Fremlin, <I>New Scientist,</I> No. 415 =
(1964), p.=20
285. </P>
<P><A name=3Db5></A>5. A. Smith, <I>The Wealth of Nations</I> (Modern =
Library, New=20
York, 1937), p. 423.</P>
<P><A name=3Db6></A>6. W. F. Lloyd, <I>Two Lectures on the Checks to=20
Population</I> (Oxford University Press, Oxford, England, 1833). </P>
<P><A name=3Db7></A>7. A. N. Whitehead, <I>Science and the Modern =
World</I>=20
(Mentor, New York, 1948), p. 17. </P>
<P><A name=3Db8></A>8. G. Hardin, Ed., <I>Population, Evolution, and =
Birth=20
Control</I> (Freeman, San Francisco, 1964), p. 56. </P>
<P><A name=3Db9></A>9. S. McVay, <I>Scientific American</I> 216 (No. 8), =
13=20
(1966). </P>
<P><A name=3Db10></A>10. J. Fletcher, <I>Situation Ethics</I> =
(Westminster,=20
Philadelphia, 1966). </P>
<P><A name=3Db11></A>11. D. Lack, <I>The Natural Regulation of Animal =
Numbers</I>=20
(Clarendon Press, Oxford, England, 1954). </P>
<P><A name=3Db12></A>12. H. Girvetz, <I>From Wealth to Welfare</I> =
(Stanford=20
University Press, Stanford, Calif, 1950). </P>
<P><A name=3Db13></A>13. G. Hardin, <I>Perspectives in Biology and =
Medicine</I> 6,=20
366 (1963). </P>
<P><A name=3Db14></A>14. U Thant, <I>International Planned Parenthood =
News,</I>=20
No. 168 (February 1968), p. 3. </P>
<P><A name=3Db15></A>15. K. Davis, <I>Science </I>158, 730 (1967). </P>
<P><A name=3Db16></A>16. S. Tax, Ed., <I>Evolution After Darwin =
</I>(University of=20
Chicago Press, Chicago, 1960), vol. 2, p. 469. </P>
<P><A name=3Db17></A>17. G. Bateson, D. D. Jackson, J. Haley, J. =
Weakland,=20
<I>Behavioral Science</I> 1, 251 (1956). </P>
<P><A name=3Db18></A>18. P. Goodman, <I>New York Review of Books</I> 10 =
(8), 22=20
(23 May 1968). </P>
<P><A name=3Db19></A>19. A. Comfort, <I>The Anxiety Makers</I> (Nelson, =
London,=20
1967). </P>
<P><A name=3Db20></A>20. C. Frankel, <I>The Case for Modern Man =
</I>(Harper &amp;=20
Row, New York, 1955), p. 203. </P>
<P><A name=3Db21></A>21. J. D. Roslansky, <I>Genetics and the Future of =
Man</I>=20
(Appleton-Century-Crofts, New York, 1966), p. 177. </P>
<HR>

<H3 align=3Dcenter><FONT size=3D5>THE TRAGEDY OF THE COMMON =
REVISITED<BR></FONT>by=20
Beryl Crowe (1969)<BR>reprinted in MANAGING THE COMMONS<BR>by Garrett =
Hardin and=20
John Baden<BR>W.H. Freeman, 1977; ISBN 0-7167-0476-5</H3>
<P>"There has developed in the contemporary natural sciences a =
recognition that=20
there is a subset of problems, such as population, atomic war, and =
environmental=20
corruption, for which there are no technical solutions.</P>
<P>"There is also an increasing recognition among contemporary social =
scientists=20
that there is a subset of problems, such as population, atomic war,=20
environmental corruption, and the recovery of a livable urban =
environment, for=20
which there are no current political solutions. The thesis of this =
article is=20
that the common area shared by these two subsets contains most of the =
critical=20
problems that threaten the very existence of contemporary man." [p. =
53]</P>
<H3>ASSUMPTIONS NECESSARY TO AVOID THE TRAGEDY</H3>
<P>"In passing the technically insoluble problems over to the political =
and=20
social realm for solution, Hardin made three critical assumptions:</P>
<P>(1) that there exists, or can be developed, a 'criterion of judgment =
and=20
system of weighting . . .' that will 'render the incommensurables . . .=20
commensurable . . . ' in real life;</P>
<P>(2) that, possessing this criterion of judgment, 'coercion can be =
mutually=20
agreed upon,' and that the application of coercion to effect a solution =
to=20
problems will be effective in modern society; and</P>
<P>(3) that the administrative system, supported by the criterion of =
judgment=20
and access to coercion, can and will protect the commons from further=20
desecration." [p. 55]</P>
<P>ERODING MYTH OF THE COMMON VALUE SYSTEM</P>
<P>"In America there existed, until very recently, a set of conditions =
which=20
perhaps made the solution to Hardin's subset possible; we lived with the =
myth=20
that we were 'one people, indivisible. . . .' This myth postulated that =
we were=20
the great 'melting pot' of the world wherein the diverse cultural ores =
of Europe=20
were poured into the crucible of the frontier experience to produce a =
new alloy=20
-- an American civilization. This new civilization was presumably united =
by a=20
common value system that was democratic, equalitarian, and existing =
under=20
universally enforceable rules contained in the Constitution and the Bill =
of=20
Rights.</P>
<P>"In the United States today, however, there is emerging a new set of =
behavior=20
patterns which suggest that the myth is either dead or dying. Instead of =

believing and behaving in accordance with the myth, large sectors of the =

population are developing life-styles and value hierarchies that give=20
contemporary Americans an appearance more closely analogous to the=20
particularistic, primitive forms of 'tribal' organizations in geographic =

proximity than to that shining new alloy, the American civilization." =
[p.=20
56]</P>
<P>"Looking at a more recent analysis of the sickness of the core city, =
Wallace=20
F. Smith has argued that the productive model of the city is no longer =
viable=20
for the purposes of economic analysis. Instead, he develops a model of =
the city=20
as a site for leisure consumption, and then seems to suggest that the =
nature of=20
this model is such is such that the city cannot regain its health =
because the=20
leisure demands are value-based and, hence do not admit to compromise =
and=20
accommodation; consequently there is no way of deciding among these =
value-=20
oriented demands that are being made on the core city.</P>
<P>"In looking for the cause of the erosion of the myth of a common =
value=20
system, it seems to me that so long as our perceptions and knowledge of =
other=20
groups were formed largely through the written media of communication, =
the=20
American myth that we were a giant melting pot of equalitarians could be =

sustained. In such a perceptual field it is tenable, if not obvious, =
that men=20
are motivated by interests. Interests can always be compromised and =
accommodated=20
without undermining our very being by sacrificing values. Under the =
impact of=20
electronic media, however, this psychological distance has broken down =
and now=20
we discover that these people with whom we could formerly compromise on=20
interests are not, after all, really motivated by interests but by =
values. Their=20
behavior in our very living room betrays a set of values, moreover, that =
are=20
incompatible with our own, and consequently the compromises that we make =
are not=20
those of contract but of culture. While the former are acceptable, any =
form of=20
compromise on the latter is not a form of rational behavior but is =
rather a=20
clear case of either apostasy or heresy. Thus we have arrived not at an =
age of=20
accommodation but one of confrontation. In such an age =
'incommensurables' remain=20
'incommensurable' in real life." [p. 59]</P>
<H3>EROSION OF THE MYTH OF THE MONOPOLY OF COERCIVE FORCE</H3>
<P>"In the past, those who no longer subscribed to the values of the =
dominant=20
culture were held in check by the myth that the state possessed a =
monopoly on=20
coercive force. This myth has undergone continual erosion since the end =
of World=20
War II owing to the success of the strategy of guerrilla warfare, as =
first=20
revealed to the French in Indochina, and later conclusively demonstrated =
in=20
Algeria. Suffering as we do from what Senator Fulbright has called 'the=20
arrogance of power,' we have been extremely slow to learn the lesson in =
Vietnam,=20
although we now realize that war is political and cannot be won by =
military=20
means. It is apparent that the myth of the monopoly of coercive force as =
it was=20
first qualified in the civil rights conflict in the South, then in our =
urban=20
ghettos, next on the streets of Chicago, and now on our college campuses =
has=20
lost its hold over the minds of Americans. The technology of guerrilla =
warfare=20
has made it evident that, while the state can win battles, it cannot win =
wars of=20
values. Coercive force which is centered in the modern state cannot be =
sustained=20
in the face of the active resistance of some 10 percent of the =
population unless=20
the state is willing to embark on a deliberate policy of genocide =
directed=20
against the value dissident groups. The factor that sustained the myth =
of=20
coercive force in the past was the acceptance of a common value system. =
Whether=20
the latter exists is questionable in the modern nation-state." [p.p. =
59-60]</P>
<H3>EROSION OF THE MYTH OF ADMINISTRATORS OF THE COMMONS</H3>
<P>"Indeed, the process has been so widely commented upon that one =
writer=20
postulated a common life cycle for all of the attempts to develop =
regulatory=20
policies. The life cycle is launched by an outcry so widespread and =
demanding=20
that it generates enough political force to bring about establishment of =
a=20
regulatory agency to insure the equitable, just, and rational =
distribution of=20
the advantages among all holders of interest in the commons. This phase =
is=20
followed by the symbolic reassurance of the offended as the agency goes =
into=20
operation, developing a period of political quiescence among the great =
majority=20
of those who hold a general but unorganized interest in the commons. =
Once this=20
political quiescence has developed, the highly organized and =
specifically=20
interested groups who wish to make incursions into the commons bring =
sufficient=20
pressure to bear through other political processes to convert the agency =
to the=20
protection and furthering of their interests. In the last phase even =
staffing of=20
the regulating agency is accomplished by drawing the agency =
administrators from=20
the ranks of the regulated." [p.p. 60-61] </P>
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------=_NextPart_000_0000_01CC625C.D596B9C0--

